Articles PUBLISHED in peer-reviewed academic journals

(Reverse chronological order)

• 2023. Pippa Norris. “Things fall apart, the center cannot hold”: Fractionalized and polarized party systems in Western democracies.” European Political Science (Forthcoming)

  • Jean Blondel made many lasting contributions towards comparative politics, not least in his classification of party systems in Western democracies. Does Blondel’s typology of remain relevant today -- or does it require substantial revision? And, does party system fragmentation predict ideological polarization? Part I sets out the theoretical framework. Part II compares trends from 1960-2020 in party system fragmentation in a wide range of democracies, measured by the effective number of parties in the electorate and in parliament. Not surprisingly, the effective number of electoral parties (ENEP) has generally grown in each country across Western democracies, from an average of around 3.5 parties in the 1960s to 5.1 during the last decade. But caution is in order: this does not imply, however, that party systems are necessarily more polarized ideologically. Part III examines polarization in party systems across Western democracies, measured by standard deviations around the mean of several ideological values and issue positions in each country. The findings suggest that party system fractionalization and polarization should be treated as two distinct and unrelated dimensions of party competition; in fact, two-party systems like the US can be far more polarized ideologically than fragmented multiparty systems like Belgium. The conclusion reflects on the broader implications of the findings for understanding party polarization and threats of backsliding in democratic states.

• 2023. Pippa Norris. ‘Big Little Election Lies: Cynical and credulous evaluations of electoral fraud.’ Parliamentary Affairs. (Forthcoming)

  • The ‘Big Lie’ in American politics has sparked intense concern about the erosion of public confidence in the integrity of U.S. elections – raising questions about the legitimacy of the authorities, institutions, and principles of democratic governance.

    To understand these issues, Part I summarizes the conceptual and theoretical argument about trust and trustworthiness. This study theorizes that at macro-level, the accuracy of any public judgments about trustworthy elections are likely to be mediated by the information environment in open and closed societies, as well as by the type of regime.  Part II describes the sources of evidence. To apply the theory, data on public opinion is drawn from around 85 societies around the globe included in Wave 6 and 7 of the World Values Survey (2010-22), with measures of electoral trust and subjective perceptions of electoral integrity among ordinary citizens. Institutional electoral performance indices are drawn from the Varieties of Democracy project (V-Dem 12.0). Part III analyzes how far these independent estimates match public judgments of the trustworthiness of elections in each country -- and how far such relationships are conditioned by the type of information society as well as by the type of regime. Part IV highlights the key findings and considers their broader implications for understanding the macro-level conditions for trust and trustworthiness.

• 2023. ‘Rally-around-the-flag effects in the Russian-Ukrainian war.’ European Political Science. (Forthcoming)

  Kseniya Kizilova and Pippa Norris.

  • Why did Vladimir Putin decide to invade Ukraine? Theories suggest several reasons, including Putin’s nostalgic dream of restoring Soviet imperial glory, as well as Russia’s fears of NATO security threats near their borders. But another explanation may be more prosaic: Putin’s desire to restore his sagging popularity at home by attempting to repeat his 2014 ‘Crimea’ strategy. By annexing territories in Eastern Ukraine, he may have hoped to generate a ‘rally-around-the flag’ effect, boosting his domestic support by appealing to Russian patriotism and nationalism.

    To examine this thesis, Part I outlines the core concept and what is known in the literature about the size, duration and conditions associated with the rally-around-the flag phenomenon. Studies suggest that, with the exception of 9/11, any rally effects on leadership popularity from the initial onset of national crisis are usually modest, at best, and short-lived. But scholars have usually examined evidence in the context of open societies and liberal democracies. We theorize that any rally effects on leadership popularity can be expected to prove both stronger and more enduring in closed societies governed by authoritarian regimes which tightly control media messages about crisis events, especially among users of state-controlled TV. Part II examines the available time-series survey evidence drawn from a wide variety of opinion polls in Ukraine, Europe and Russia to detect the size and duration of any rally effects associated with the onset of the Russian special military operation in February 2022. Part III examines some evidence of media effects. Part IV adds robustness tests. The conclusion in Part V summarizes the main findings and discusses their broader implications for understanding the roots of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its consequences.

• 2022. ‘Cancel culture: Myth or Reality?’ Political Studies.71(1):

  Pippa Norris

  •  In recent years, a progressive ‘cancel culture’ in society, rightwing politicians and commentators claim, has silenced alternative perspectives, ostracized contrarians, and eviscerated robust intellectual debate, with college campuses at the vanguard of this development.

    To understand this phenomenon, Part I defines the core concept and theorizes that perceptions of this phenomenon are likely to depend upon how far individual values fit the dominant group culture. Within academia, scholars most likely to perceive ‘silencing’ are mismatched or non-congruent cases, where they are ‘fish-out-of-water’. Part II describes how empirical survey evidence is used to test this prediction within the discipline of political science. Data is derived from a global survey, the World of Political Science, 2019, involving almost 2,500 scholars studying or working in over 100 countries. Part III describes the results. Part IV summarizes the key findings and considers their broader implications.

    Overall, the evidence confirms the ‘fish-out-of-water’ congruence thesis.  As predicted, in post-industrial societies, characterized by predominately liberal social cultures, like the US, Sweden, and UK, rightwing scholars were most likely to perceive that they faced an increasingly chilly climate. By contrast, in developing societies characterized by more traditional moral cultures, like Nigeria, it was leftwing scholars who reported that a cancel culture had worsened. This contrast is consistent with Noelle-Neumann’s (1974) spiral of silence thesis, where mainstream values in any group gradually flourish to become the predominant culture, while, due to social pressures, dissenting minority voices become muted. The ratchet effect eventually muffles contrarians.  The evidence suggests that the cancel culture is not simply a rhetorical myth; scholars may be less willing to speak up to defend their moral beliefs if they believe that their views are not widely shared by colleagues or the wider society to which they belong.

    Keywords: academic freedom, sociology of education, cancel culture  

• 2021. ‘What maximizes productivity and impact in political science research?’ European Political Science. 20th Anniversary special issue. 20(1): 34-57.

  Pippa Norris

  • What contributes towards research excellence in political science? To consider this issue, Part I describes the core concepts of academic productivity and impact and their operationalization, using the h-index. The study theorizes that variations in this measure may plausibly be influenced by personal characteristics (like gender, career longevity, and formal qualifications), working conditions (academic rank, type of department, and job security), as well as subjective role perceptions (exemplified by the perceived importance of scholarly research or teaching). Part II sets out the new evidence used for exploring these issues, drawing upon the ECPR-IPSA World of Political Science survey. This study gathered information from 2,446 political scientists in 102 countries around the globe.  Part III presents the distribution and analysis of the results, as well as several robustness tests.  Part IV summarizes the key findings and considers their broader implications. In general, several personal characteristics and structural working conditions prove significant predictors of h-index scores, whereas motivational goals and role perceptions add little, if anything, to the models. The gender gap also becomes insignificant once controls are introduced for career longevity and formal qualifications.

• 2020. ‘Measuring populism worldwide.’ Pippa Norris. Party Politics (pre-print) https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068820927686

  • Populism studies have rapidly burgeoned but systematic global empirical evidence about this phenomenon has lagged behind. How can party values be measured in consistent, valid, and reliable ways, facilitating identification of varieties of populism in countries around the world? To address this issue, Part I outlines the conceptual framework. Part II describes the research design. The Global Party Survey replicates previous expert surveys, expands coverage worldwide, and incorporates innovative scaled measures of populism. It draws upon estimates from 1,861 experts and covers 1,043 political parties in 163 countries (see www.GlobalPartySurvey.org). Part III summarizes some key cross-national results. Part IV presents robustness tests which confirm that the new GPS estimates of ideological values and populist parties are consistently correlated with several previous measures. The conclusion in Part V summarizes the main findings and considers the potential uses of the dataset for understanding populism as a global phenomenon. 

• 2019. ‘Varieties of populist parties.’ Pippa Norris. Philosophy and Social Criticism.  45(9-10). https://doi.org/10.1177/0191453719872279

  • Can parties such as the Swedish Democrats, the Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary, the UK Independence Party and the Italian Lega Nord all be classified consistently as part of the same family? Part I of this study summarizes the conceptual framework arguing that the traditional post-war Left-Right cleavage in the electorate and party competition has faded, overlaid by divisions over authoritarian-libertarianism and populism-pluralism. Building on this, part II discusses the pros and cons of alternative methods for gathering evidence useful to classify party positions. Part III describes how these are measured in this study, using Chapel Hill Expert Survey data in 2014 and 2017, and how they are mapped on a multidimensional issue space. Part IV compares European political parties on these scales – including Authoritarian-Populist parties – across a wide range of European countries. The conclusion in part V draws together the main findings and considers their implications.

• 2019. ‘The paranoid style of American elections: Explaining perceptions of electoral integrity in an age of populism.’ Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. Pippa Norris, Holly Ann Garnett, and Max Groemping. https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2019.1593181

  • Polls report that, contrary to the evidence, one quarter of Americans believe that millions of illegal votes were cast in the 2016 elections. What explains these types of beliefs? This article tests the predictors of public evaluations of electoral integrity in the 2016 American Presidential election, as measured by judgements about the fairness of the voting processes in the 2016 American National Election Study. We demonstrate that conspiratorial beliefs and populist values contribute towards citizens’ electoral mistrust. The results suggest that the paranoid style of American politics is alive and well in contemporary US elections.

• 2019. ‘Conclusions: The new research agenda on electoral governance.’ International Political Science Review. 40(2 ):1-13.

  • This concluding article begins by considering the reasons behind the growing demand for policy-relevant comparative research into the institutional structures and processes of electoral management. It then outlines the theoretical framework used in this special issue -- distinguishing the structure, capacities, and ethos of electoral management-- and summarizes the key insights arising from the evidence. Research on electoral management is expanding, nevertheless it suffers from several major challenges, including the difficulties of isolating aid effectiveness in this sector and of determining the impact of electoral management on broader indicators of democratic performance, generating the future research agenda.

• 2019. ‘Do doubts about electoral integrity undermine satisfaction with democracy? The U.S. in cross-national perspective.’ International Political Science Review. 40(1): 5-22.

  • Doubts about the legitimacy of the 2016 US elections continue to reverberate and deepen partisan mistrust in America. A perfect storm followed Republican allegations of fake news and massive voter fraud, Democratic complaints of voter suppression and gerrymandering, discontent with the Electoral College’s awarding of victory to a presidential candidate who lost the popular vote, compounded by intelligence reports of Russian meddling. These issues raise the broader question: how serious do perceived electoral flaws have to be to raise doubts not just about the election but about democracy itself? Do ordinary people actually care about the quality of their elections or are they more concerned with jobs, growth and taxes and/or influenced by partisan cues? And how do attitudes vary among electoral winners and losers? The key findings of this research, based on World Values Survey data, are that doubts about electoral integrity do indeed undermine general satisfaction with how democracy works.

• 2018. ‘Dial ‘F’ for fraud: Explaining citizens suspicions about elections.’ Jeffrey Karp, Alessandro Nai and Pippa Norris. Electoral Studies. 53(2): 11-19.

  • Doubts about electoral integrity, whether true or false, can undermine faith in the legitimacy of the democratic process. We investigate the reasons for such doubts in the case of the 2016 Federal elections in Australia. A three-wave panel survey of the electorate established that one third of Australians believed (falsely) that the outcome was fraudulent – a remarkable level of scepticism in an established democracy with a long history of clean and well-run contests. One reason was that many Australians misunderstood their electoral system. Media stories of electoral maladministration also led Australians – especially electoral losers -- to be suspicious and to embrace reforms. The results suggest that officials seeking to restore public confidence should strengthen civic education and improve electoral administration, particularly where the rules of the game are complex.

• 2017. ‘Trump and Populist-Authoritarian Parties: The Silent Revolution in Reverse.’ Perspectives on Politics. 15(2): 443-454. Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris.

  • Growing up taking survival for granted makes people more open to new ideas and more tolerant of outgroups. Insecurity has the opposite effect, stimulating an Authoritarian Reflex in which people close ranks behind strong leaders, with strong in-group solidarity, rejection of outsiders, and rigid conformity to group norms. The 35 years of exceptional security experienced by developed democracies after WWII brought pervasive cultural changes, including the rise of Green parties and the spread of democracy. During the past 35 years, economic growth continued, but virtually all of the gains went to those at the top; the less-educated experienced declining existential security, fueling support for Populist Authoritarian phenomena such as Brexit, France’s National Front and Trump’s takeover of the Republican party. This raises two questions: (1) “What motivates people to support Populist Authoritarian movements?” And (2) “Why is the populist authoritarian vote so much higher now than it was several decades ago in high-income countries?” The two questions have different answers. Support for populist authoritarian parties is motivated by a backlash against cultural change. From the start, younger Postmaterialist birth cohorts supported environmentalist parties, while older, less secure cohorts supported authoritarian xenophobic parties, in an enduring intergenerational value clash. But for the past three decades, strong period effects have been working to increase support for xenophobic parties: economic gains have gone almost entirely to those at the top, while a large share of the population experienced declining real income and job security, along with a large influx of immigrants and refugees. Cultural backlash explains why given individuals support Populist Authoritarian movements. Declining existential security explains why support for these movements is greater now than it was thirty years ago.

• 2017. ‘Is Western democracy backsliding? Diagnosing the risks.’ Journal of Democracy. 28(2). April.

  • What helps us to understand whether we have reached an inflection point in democracy— and whether even long-established European and American democracies are in danger of backsliding? Like second-guessing a plunge in the Dow Jones, there is a mass of speculation, but little sage guidance. This paper takes the classic Linz and Stepan framework focused on cultural, constitutional and behavioral indicators and applies this to understand contemporary trends in democratization.

• 2017. ‘A discussion of Alexander Cooley and Jack Snyder’s Ranking the World,’ Perspectives on Politics. 15(1):165.

  • Ranking the World: Grading States as a Tool of Global Governance, edited by Alexander Cooley and Jack Snyder, assembles an impressive group of political scientists to critically discuss “the important analytical, normative, and policy issues associated with the contemporary practice of ‘grading states.’” The volume addresses a topic of importance to a wide range of political scientists in comparative politics, international relations, and political theory, and raises some fundamental questions about the role of political science at the nexus of theory and practice. We have thus invited a number of colleagues to discuss the volume and its broader implications for political science inquiry.

• 2016. ‘El marathon electoral de America.’ Miguel Angel Lara Otaola, Ferran Martinez I Coma and Pippa Norris. Foreign Affairs Latin America 16(4):77-86.

  • 2016 saw 34 presidential elections in Latin America and the Caribbean that modified the political landscape of the region. But, although more and more elections are held, this does not mean that they all do so with the same integrity. What problems are facing the elections in the region and what can be expected for the electoral processes in the future?

• 2016. ‘Electoral integrity in East Asia.’ In Taiwan Journal of Democracy. 12(1): 1-18.

  • Elections are essential to liberal democracies. Flawed electoral contests may diminish political trust and undermine democratic support. The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity survey shows a checkered record in East Asia, better in its northeast than its southeast sub-region. The sixth wave of World Values Survey provides empirical evidence for association between citizens’ perception of electoral processes and their support for democratic institutions in East Asia. Keywords: Electoral integrity, election quality, electoral malpractices, democratic support, political trust, East Asia.

• 2015. ‘Integridad en las elecciones de América 2012-2014.’ (Integrity of the elections in America 2012-2014). America Latina Hoy. Ferran Martinez I Coma, Pippa Norris and Richard W. Frank. 70: 37-54.

  • The region has been holding competitive elections in the last years. But, have all those elections been held with the same electoral integrity? If there have been problems, which are those? Are there common problems to the region or are they similar to those of the rest of the world? Is there any pattern in the elections? How do we know it? Under which methodological approach we can answer those questions? In this article, we present the results of the first expert’s survey on perceptions of election integrity to the global scale but with a specific attention to America. Key words: electoral integrity; democracy; democratization; fraud.

• 2014. ‘Measuring electoral integrity around the world: A new dataset.’ Pippa Norris, Ferran Martinez I Coma and Richard W. Frank. PS: Political Science & Politics 47(4): 1-10.

  • Many contentious elections end in disputes about alleged fraud, irregularities, and malpractices. How do we know when these claims are valid and when they are false complaints from sore losers? This article describes a new dataset developed by the Electoral Integrity Project. Based on a survey of election experts, the research provides new evidence to compare how national contests around the world are meeting international standards of electoral integrity. The questionnaire includes 49 key indicators clustered into 11 stages of the electoral cycle, as well as generating an overall summary Perception of Electoral Integrity (PEI) 100-point index. The evidence displays high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The PEI datasets allow researchers to gauge the perceived quality of elections worldwide. This study summarizes the PEI’s research design, compares the quality of elections around the globe, and illustrates how electoral integrity is linked with both democracy and development.

• 2014. ‘Beyond quotas: Strategies to promote gender equality in elected office.’ Mona Lena Krook and Pippa Norris. Political Studies 62(1):1-19.

  • Gender equality in elected office has become a commitment of national governments and international organizations around the globe. To date, much of the discussion has revolved around electoral gender quotas – policies that set aside seats in political assemblies for women or require that political parties nominate a certain percentage of female candidates. Focusing exclusively on quotas, however, obscures the broader range of efforts around the world to bring more women into political office. This article surveys non-quota strategies used globally, developing an analytic framework for theorizing potential interventions into candidate selection and election processes. Whether used in conjunction with, or as an alternative to, quotas, the diversity of these measures points to a wide array of creative solutions, engaging a variety of actors, which might be pursued to enhance women's political representation. Future research should focus on evaluating the effects of these policies, both alongside and separately from quota policies.

  2013. ‘The new research agenda studying electoral integrity’. Special issue of Electoral Studies 32(4): 563-575

  • A rapidly-growing research agenda shared by scholars and applied policy analysts is beginning to explore three questions: when do elections meet standards of electoral integrity? When do they fail to do so? And what can be done to mitigate these problems? To address these issues, Part 1 in this paper outlines the concept of electoral integrity, proposing a comprehensive and broad definition founded upon global norms and international conventions. Part 2 argues that several sub-fields contribute towards the study of electoral integrity, although commonly fragmented at present, including (i) public sector management; (ii) political culture; (iii) comparative institutions; and (iv) security studies. The emerging research agenda focused on electoral integrity, cutting across these conventional disciplinary boundaries, is characterized by its problem-oriented focus and global comparative framework, as well as by its use of pluralistic methods and analytical techniques. Part 3 outlines the contribution of papers in this symposium. The conclusion summarizes the key features of this new research agenda studying electoral integrity.

• 2013. ‘Assessing the quality of elections.’ Pippa Norris, Ferran Martinez I Coma and Richard W. Frank. Journal of Democracy. 24(4): 124-135.

  • Many malpractices generate flawed elections which fail to meet international standards of electoral integrity, including issues such as fraud, malpractice, vote-rigging, ballot-stuffing, and voter suppression. Determining when, where, and why elections succeed or fail is a matter of growing concern for the international community—yet to date scholars and practitioners have been hindered by lack of reliable, credible, and consistent evidence which could be used to compare the quality of elections around the world. This paper presents the first results of a new pilot study, based on an expert survey of Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI) applied to 20 countries. This data facilitates comparison of an overall standardized 100-point PEI index for each contest, or the results can be examined in more fine-grained detail on eleven dimensions of electoral integrity, or for each of the separate 49 items. The PEI index demonstrates high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The paper concludes that, when triangulated with other evidence, PEI can address many research issues, such as how best to classify electoral autocracies, as well as proving useful for policymakers concerned with evaluating “what works” to strengthen electoral integrity.

• 2013. ‘Recrutamento politico.’ Revista de Sociologia e Política 21(46): 11-32.

• 2013. ‘Does the world agree about standards of electoral integrity? Evidence for the diffusion of global norms’ Special issue of Electoral Studies 32(4): 576-588.

  • Drawing upon theories of the diffusion of global norms, this study addresses two issues: is there a shared consensus among experts about standards of electoral integrity? And do evaluations by elites reflect ‘Western/American’ values, or do they coincide with the judgments of ordinary people living in diverse cultures, suggesting the existence of internalized global norms? To consider these issues, Section 1 develops the theoretical framework concerning the diffusion of global norms. Section 2 reviews the cross-national measures of electoral integrity from both expert indices and mass surveys. Section 3 compares congruence among experts, and between mass and elite judgments. The results indicate, firstly, that many expert-based indices appear to be strongly inter-correlated, suggesting a broad consensus in evaluative rankings among elites. Moreover, secondly, public and elite evaluations are also correlated. The evidence therefore suggests the internalization of shared or universal norms, across mass and elite. The conclusion in Section 4 summarizes the broader lessons arising from the results and considers their implications for the future research.

• 2012. ‘To them that hath’…News media and knowledge gaps.’ Comparative Governance and Politics. 6 (1):71-98. (Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft)

• 2012. ‘'Muslim integration into Western cultures: Between origins and destinations.’ Political Studies. (with Ronald Inglehart) 60(2): 228-251.

  • To what extent do migrants carry their culture with them, and to what extent do they acquire the culture of their new home? The answer not only has important political implications; it also helps us understand the extent to which basic cultural values are enduring or malleable, and whether cultural values are traits of individuals or are attributes of a given society. The first part of this article considers theories about the impact of growing social diversity in Western nations. We classify two categories of society: Origins (defined as Islamic Countries of Origin for Muslim migrants, including twenty nations with plurality Muslim populations) and Destinations (defined as Western Countries of Destination for Muslim migrants, including 22 OECD member states with Protestant or Roman Catholic majority populations). Using this framework, we demonstrate that, on average, the basic social values of Muslim migrants fall roughly midway between those prevailing in their country of origin and their country of destination. We conclude that Muslim migrants do not move to Western countries with rigidly fixed attitudes; instead, they gradually absorb much of the host culture, as assimilation theories suggest.

• 2012. ‘Four horsemen of the apocalypse: Understanding human security.’ Scandinavian Political Studies. (with Ronald Inglehart) 35(1):71-96.

  • Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have broadened to take into account a wide range of non-military threats ranging from poverty to environmental concerns rather than just national defence. Security scholars, backed by international organizations and a growing number of national governments, have developed the concept of ‘human security’, focusing on the welfare of ordinary people against a broad range of threats. This has aroused vigorous debate. The first part of this article proposes an analytical model of human security. The second part argues that it is important to measure how ordinary people perceive risks, moving beyond state-centric notions of human security. New evidence is examined that draws upon survey items specially designed to monitor perceptions of human security, included for the first time in the sixth wave of the World Values Survey (WVS), with fieldwork conducted in 2010–12. The third part demonstrates that people distinguish three dimensions – national, community and personal security – and then explores some structural determinants driving these perceptions. The fourth part discusses why perceptions of human security matter, particularly for explaining cultural values and value change around the world. The conclusion argues that the shift from a narrow focus on military security toward the broader concept of human security is a natural response to the changing challenges facing developed societies, in which the cost-benefit ratio concerning war has become negative and cultural changes have made war less acceptable. In this setting, valid measures of perceptions of human security have become essential, both to understand the determinants of the concept among ordinary people and to analyze their consequences.

• 2011. ‘Cultural explanations of electoral reform: A policy cycle model.’ West European Politics. 34(1): 531-550.

  • Electoral reform is largely regarded as an elite-level issue, dominated by partisan interests, where citizens are usually marginalised and powerless. This perspective may help to explain what specific reforms are enacted, but it lacks the capacity to account for when and why successful reforms are raised on the policy agenda. The first section ofthis article presents a general policy cycle model identifying multiple actors in the process of electoral change. It tests the proposition that political culture – notably citizen dissatisfaction with regime legitimacy – heightens the salience of institutional reform. The following section summarises the research design testing this proposition. Results are then presented. The evidence demonstrates that democratic aspirations are a strong, significant and robust predictor of the occurrence of subsequent electoral reforms. The conclusion considers the implications of these findings, both for theories concerning regime legitimacy, as well as for revising standard accounts of processes of institutional change.

• 2010. ‘Petroleum Patriarchy? A Response to Ross’. Politics & Gender 5(4): 553-560.

  • The notion of a “resource curse” has been most commonly applied in explaining why many countries apparently blessed with abundant reserves of nonrenewable mineral resources, such as Nigerian oil, Democratic Republic of Congo gold, or Sierra Leone diamonds, in fact, are commonly blighted with less transparency and probity, economic stability, economic diversification, social equality, and investment in human capital. In these conditions, the heightened danger of state capture and rent seeking by ruling elites generate poorer prospects for the transition from autocracy and the consolidation of stable democracies (Auty 1993; Boix 2003; Dunning 2008; Jensen and Wantchekon 2004; Ross 2001). Lootable mineral resources, in particular, are thought to make a country particularly vulnerable to civil war, insurgency, and rebellion (Collier and Sambanis 2005; Humphreys 2005; Ross 2004, 2006; Snyder 2006).

• 2009. ‘Comparing political communications: Common frameworks or Babylonian confusion?’ Government and Opposition 44(3): 321-340.

• 2008. ‘Getting the Message Out: A two-step model of the role of the Internet in campaign communication flows during the 2005 British General Election.’ Pippa Norris and John Curtice. The Journal of Information Technology and Politics. 4(4): 3-13.

  • To date the Internet has apparently had limited impact on changing “politics as usual” in election campaigns. Parties often fail to make imaginative use of the medium, while relatively few people use it to acquire information about an election. However, while it may be the case that only political activists use the Internet to acquire information about an election, these activists may then disseminate that information more widely because they are particularly likely to discuss the election with their fellow citizens. We find evidence that such a two-step flow of information may well have occurred during the 2005 British election.

• 2006. ‘The impact of electoral reform on women’s representation.’ Special issue of Acta Politica 41: 197-213.

  • One concern about reform of the electoral system in the Netherlands is whether this would reduce the proportion of women members in the House of Representatives. What evidence is there for this expectation? This study considers these issues, with the first section summarizing the normative arguments why socially inclusive legislatures are thought to be desirable. The representation of women in the Netherlands parliament is compared against the record in other countries worldwide. The second section analyzes the impact of electoral systems on gender representation, confirming that substantially more women are usually elected in systems using party list proportional representation, especially those such as the Netherlands which have a large district magnitude, compared with majoritarian electoral systems using single member districts. Any reform that moves away from nationwide PR in the Netherlands will therefore probably reduce the proportion of women in parliament unless other compensatory actions are taken. Subsequent sections examine alternative strategies that could be adopted, including statutory quotas regulating the candidate selection process for all parties (for example, as used in Belgium), the role of reserved seats in legislatures, and the use of voluntary quotas in candidate selection rules implemented by particular parties. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and arguments surrounding electoral reform in the Netherlands.

• 2006. ‘Modernization and Gender Equality: A Response to Adams and Orloff.’ With Ronald Inglehart. Politics and Gender 1(3): 482-492.

• 2006. ‘If you build a political website, will they come? The Internet and political activism in Britain.’ (with John Curtice) International Journal of Electronic Government Research. 2(2): 1-21.

• 2006. ‘God, guns and gays: The supply and demand for religion in the US and Western Europe.’ Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart. Public Policy Research 12(4): 223-233.

• 2006. ‘Did the media matter? Agenda-setting, persuasion and mobilization effects in the 2005 British general election.’ British Politics 1(2): 195-221.

• 2005. ‘Whether the campaign matters and how.’ Christopher Wlezien and Pippa Norris. Parliamentary Affairs 45(3):214-231. DOI: 10.1093/pa/gsi060

• 2005. ‘The third Blair victory: How and why?’ Pippa Norris and Christopher Wlezien. Parliamentary Affairs 45(3):1-27.

• 2005. ‘The impact of the Internet on political activism: Evidence from Europe.’ International Journal of Electronic Government Research. 1(1): 20-39.

• 2005. ‘The impact of political advertising in the 2001 UK general election.’ David Sanders and Pippa Norris. Political Research Quarterly. 58(4): 525-536.

  • This article explores the extent to which advocacy and attack Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs) affected voters’ party preferences during the British general election campaign of 2001. The analysis uses an experimental design that involved conducting “media exposure” tests on a representative sample of Greater London voters (N = 919) during the final weeks of the June 2001 election campaign. Respondents completed a pre-test questionnaire before being exposed to a variety of different media stimuli. Their political attitudes were then measured again in a post-test questionnaire. The empirical findings suggest that, in general, PEBs exerted little direct effect on voters’ images of the main political parties in 2001. However, there were a series of “partial” exposure effects confined to particular sub-groups of voters. For example, for non-partisan voters, “attack” advertising appears to have been less effective than “advocacy” advertising. Indeed, in the U.K. in 2001 there were contexts in which negative campaigning was explicitly counter-productive in the sense that it appears to have actively stimulated sympathy for the target of the attack rather than strengthened the relative position of the sponsor.

• 2005. ‘Electoral reform and fragmented multipartyism.’ (Published in Russian) Oňkymeha 3: 71-105.

• 2005. ‘A tese da "nova clivagem" e a base social do apoio à direita radical.’ (The ‘new cleavage’ thesis and the social basis of radical right support’ published in Portuguese.) Opinião Pública 11(1): 1-32.

• 2004. ‘Why parties fail to learn: Electoral defeat, selective perception and British party politics.’ Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski. Party Politics 10(1): 85-104. DOI: 10.1177/1354068804039123

• 2004. ‘Who demonstrates? Anti-state rebels, conventional participants, or everyone?’ Pippa Norris, Stefaan Walgrave, and Peter Van Aelst. Comparative Politics 37(2):189-206.

• 2004. ‘Sacred and secular: Praying together, staying together?’ Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart. International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law

• 2004. ‘Comment: Does PR promote political extremism, redux.’ Representation 40(3).

• 2004. ‘A Seat at the Table: How to elect women to Iraq’s new government.’ Compass: A Journal of Leadership. 1(2): 6-8.

• 2004. (Reprinted in Spanish) ‘The True Clash of Civilizations?’ Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris. Spanish edition of Foreign Policy. March/April

• 2003. Ronald Inglehart, Pippa Norris and Christian Welzel. ‘Gender equality and democracy.’ Comparative Sociology. 1(3-4): 321-346.

• 2003. ‘Zappers in de politiek? De invloed vande media op verkiezingscampagnes.’ In Ethische Perspectieven 12(2): 86-102.

• 2003. ‘Westminster Women: The Politics of Presence.’ With Joni Lovenduski. Political Studies 51 (1): 84-102.

• 2003. ‘Tuned out voters? Media Impact on Campaigns.’ In Ethical Perspectives 9(3).

• 2003. ‘The True Clash of Civilizations?’ Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris. Foreign Policy. March/April: 63-70.

• 2003. ‘Preaching to the Converted? Pluralism, Participation and Party Websites.’ Party Politics. 9(1):21-45.

• 2003. ‘Muslims and the West: Testing the ‘Clash of Civilizations’ Thesis.’ Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart. Comparative Sociology. 1 (3-4): 235-265.

• 2003. ‘Message or Medium? Campaign learning during the 2001 British general election.’ Political Communication. 20(3): 233-262. DOI: 10.1080/10584600390218878

• 2003. ‘Le Divorce: Who is to blame for the transatlantic rift?’ Compass: A Journal of Leadership. Fall. 1(1): 22-25.

• 2003. ‘ ’ (‘Social Capital and ICTs: Widening or reinforcing social networks?’) Eco-Forum 22(1): 31-41.

• 2002. ‘The Twilight of Westminster? Electoral Reform and its Consequences.’ Political Studies. 49:877-900.

• 2002. ‘The Bridging and Bonding Role of Online Communities.’ The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 7(3): 3-8.

• 2002. ‘Social Capital and the News Media.’ The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 7(2): 3-8.

• 2001. ‘US Campaign 2000: Of Pregnant Chads, Butterfly Ballots and Partisan Vitriol.’ Government and Opposition. January 35(2): 1-24.

• 2001. ‘Too Close to Call: Opinion Polls in Campaign 2000.’ The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. January. 6(1).

• 2001. ‘To entertain, inform and educate: Still the Role of Public Television in the 1990s?’ With Christina Holtz-Bacha. Political Communications 18(2): 123-140.12 (Winner of the ICA Political Communication section award for the best paper of 2001).

• 2001. ‘Cultural Obstacles to Equal Representation.’ With Ronald Inglehart. Journal of Democracy. 12(3): 126-140. DOI: 10.1353/jod.2001.0054

• 2001. ‘Back to Chicken Entrails? Problems of Opinion Polls in US Campaign 2000.’ Representation 38(2): 106-114.

• 2001. ‘Apathetic Landslide: The 2001 British General Election.’ Parliamentary Affairs. 54(4).

• 2001. ‘Angyali Kör? A Politikai Kommunikáció Hatása a Postindusztriális Demokráciákra.’ Mediakutato. 4:6-22. (In Hungarian)

• 2001. ‘All Spin and No Substance? The 2001 British General Election.’ The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 6(4): 3-10

• 2001. ‘¿Un circulo virtuoso? El impacto de las comunicaciones politicas en las democracies post-industriales.’ Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica. 4(1): 7-33.

• 2000. ‘Information Poverty and the Wired World.’ Editorial. The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 5(3): 1-6.

• 2000 ‘The Developmental Theory of the Gender Gap: Women and Men’s Voting Behavior in Global Perspective.’ With Ronald Inglehart. International Political Science Review special issue on Women and Representation. 21(4): 441-462. DOI: 10.1177/0192512100214007

• 1999. ‘The Emergent Internet Age in Europe: A New North-South Divide?’ Editorial. The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 5(1): 1-12.

• 1999. ‘Cosmopolitan Citizens?’ Editorial The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 4(4): 1-7.

• 1999 ‘Sex, Lies and Videotape.’ Editorial. The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 4(1): 1-4.

• 1998 ‘What do we Know and When do we Know it?’ Editorial. The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 3(3): 1-5.

• 1998 ‘Virtual Democracy.’ Editorial with David Jones. The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics. 3(2): 1-4.

• 1998 ‘Political Elites and Constitutional Change.’ Scottish Affairs: 93-109.

• 1997 ‘We're All Green Now: Public Opinion and Environmentalism in Britain.’ Government and Opposition 32(3): 320-339.

• 1997 ‘Towards a More Cosmopolitan Political Science?’ European Journal of Political Research 30(1): 17-34.

• 1997 ‘The Puzzle of Constituency Service.’ The Journal of Legislative Studies 3(2): 29-49.

• 1997 ‘Social Representation in the European Parliament.’ With Mark Franklin. European Journal of Political Research 32(2): 185-210.

• 1997 ‘Second-Order Elections Revisited.’ European Journal of Political Research 30(1): 109-114.

• 1997 ‘Representation and the Democratic Deficit.’ European Journal of Political Research 32(2): 273-282.

• 1997 ‘Political Representation in the European Parliament.’ With Michael Marsh. European Journal of Political Research 32(2): 153-164.

• 1997 ‘Choosing Electoral Systems.’ International Political Science Review 18(3): 297-312.

• 1997 ‘Anatomy of a Labour Landslide.’ Parliamentary Affairs 50(4): 509-532.

• 1997 ‘A Critical Election? Understanding the Outcome of the Next Election.’ Politics Review 6(4): 2-6.

• 1996 ‘Women Politicians: Transforming Westminster?’ Parliamentary Affairs 49(1): 89-102.

• 1996 ‘The Restless Searchlight: Network News Framing of the Post Cold-War World.’ Political Communication 12(4): 357-370.

• 1996 ‘The Nolan Report: Financial Interests and Constituency Service’ Government and Opposition 31(4): 441-448.

• 1996 ‘Mobilizing the Women's Vote: The Gender-Generation Gap in Voting Behaviour.’ Parliamentary Affairs 49(2): 333-342.

• 1996 ‘Did Television Erode Social Capital? A Reply to Putnam’ PS: Political Science and Politics. XXIX (3) September: 474-480.

• 1996 ‘Conservatism in Disarray?’ The Brown Journal of World Affairs III(1) Winter-Spring 163-169.

• 1995 ‘The Politics of Electoral Reform in Britain.’ International Political Science Review Special Issue on Electoral Reform (plus Introduction) 16(1): 65-78.

• 1995 ‘The Nolan Committee: Private Gain and Public Service.’ Parliamentary Brief 3(6): 40-42.

• 1995 ‘May's Law of Curvilearity Revisited: Leaders, Officers, Members and Voters in British Political Parties.’ Party Politics 1(1): 29-47.

• 1994 ‘Labour and the Unions: After the Brighton Conference.’ With Joni Lovenduski. Government and Opposition Spring 29(2) pp.201-217.

• 1994 ‘Did the British Marginals Vanish? Proportionality and Exaggeration in the British Electoral System Revisited.’ With Ivor Crewe. Electoral Studies 13 (3): 201-221.

• 1994 ‘Battling for the Center Ground’ Parliamentary Brief 3(1): 106-108.

• 1993 ‘The Reputation of Political Science Journals: Pluralist and Consensus Views.’ Political Studies. With Ivor Crewe. XLI (1): 5-23.

• 1993 ‘The 1992 US Elections: Continuity and Change.’ Government and Opposition Winter 28(1): 51-68.

• 1993 ‘Slow Progress for Women MPs.’ Parliamentary Brief 2 (4):67-68.

• 1993 ‘'If only more candidates came forward…'Supply-side Explanations of Candidate Selection in Britain.’ With Joni Lovenduski. British Journal of Political Science. 23: 373-408.

• 1992 ‘The 1992 US Primaries: If it Ain't Broke Don't Fix it.’ Parliamentary Affairs July 45(3): 428-436.

• 1992 ‘Do Candidates Make a Difference? Gender, Race, Ideology and Incumbency.’ With Elizabeth Vallance and Joni Lovenduski. Parliamentary Affairs. October: 496-517.

• 1992 ‘Change Plus Ca Change? Electoral Studies in the 1990s.’ Review article Parliamentary History 11(2): 293-299

• 1991 ‘Traditional, Revised and Radical Models of Women's Political Participation in Britain.’ Government and Opposition. 26 (1): 56-74.

• 1991 ‘The Rise (and Fall?) of Multi-Party By-election Politics’ Parliamentary Affairs June :298-310

• 1991 ‘The 1990 Mid-term US Elections: Campaign and Results.’ Political Quarterly 62(4): 461-475.

• 1991 ‘Reforming the Candidate Selection Process’ With Joni Lovenduski and Andrew Geddes. Contemporary Record 4.

• 1991 ‘British and American Journal Evaluation: Divergence or Convergence?’ With Ivor Crewe. PS: Political Science & Politics XXIV (3): 524-531.

• 1990 ‘Thatcher's Enterprise Society and Electoral Change.’ West European Politics. 13(1): 63-78.

• 1990 ‘Party Selectorates in Australia, Britain and Canada: Prolegomena for research in the 1990s.’ With Ken Carty, Lynda Erickson, Joni Lovenduskiand Marian Simms. The Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, XXVIII (July): 219-245.

• 1990 ‘Do By-elections Constitute Referenda? A Four-Country Comparison.’ With Frank Feigert. Legislative Studies Quarterly XV(2): 183-200.

• 1990 ‘By-Elections: Their Importance for Britain?’ Contemporary Record 4(2): 19-20.

• 1989 ‘Women Candidates for Parliament: Transforming the Agenda?’ With Joni Lovenduski. British Journal of Political Science: 106-115.

• 1989 ‘The 1988 Presidential Elections: The Reagan Legacy.’ Political Quarterly 60(2): 204-221.

• 1989 ‘Selecting Women Candidates: Obstacles to the Feminization of the House of Commons.’ With Joni Lovenduski. European Journal of Political Research. 17: 533-562.

• 1989 ‘Pathways to Parliament’ With Joni Lovenduski. Talking Politics 1(3): 90-94.

• 1989 ‘Government and Third-Party Performance in Mid-Term By-elections: The Canadian, British and Australian Experience.’ With Frank Feigert. Electoral Studies 8(2): 117-130.

• 1987 ‘Volatility in By-Elections’ Studies in Public Policy No.163 C.S.P.P, Strathclyde University, 1987.

• 1987 ‘The 1987 British General Election: The Hidden Agenda.’ Teaching Politics, October: 311-324.

• 1987 ‘Political Studies in the Eighties.’ With Hugh Berrington. Political Studies Association, 1987.

• 1987 ‘Four Weeks of Sounds and Fury...The 1987 British Election Campaign.’ Parliamentary Affairs 40(4):458-467.

• 1987 ‘1986 US Elections: National Issues or Pluralistic Diversity.’ Political Quarterly 58(2): 194-201.

• 1987‘Retrospective Voting in the 1984 Presidential Election: Peace, Prosperity and Patriotism.’ Political Studies XXXV: 289-300.

• 1986 ‘Conservative Attitudes in Recent British Elections: An Emerging Gender Gap?’ Political Studies XXXIV: 18-26.

• 1985 ‘Women in European Legislative Elites.’ West European Politics 8(4): 90-101.

• 1985 ‘The Gender Gap: America and Britain.’ Parliamentary Affairs 38(2): 192-201.

• 1984 ‘Women in Poverty: Britain and America.’ Social Policy. Spring.

• 1984 ‘Women in Congress: A Policy Difference?’ Politics 6 (1): 34-40.

• 1983 ‘Reagan and the Young: A Realignment?’ Youth & Policy 12:10-13.

• 1982 ‘John Stuart Mill versus Bigotry, Bribery and Beer.’ Corruption and Reform 1(2): 79-100.

• 1982 ‘Democratic Consensus and the Young: A Cross National Comparison of Britain and America.’ With Wendy Ranade. Journal of Adolescence 7:45-57; Also Youth and Society 15(4): 429-443.